It is almost a year since the book “To End A Civil War: Norway’s Peace Engagement with Sri Lanka” by Mark Salter was published. Get Norwegian media has discussed or reviewed the book, which mainly presents how Erik Solheim and his aides tried to facilitate peace on the island of Sri Lanka.
The Tamils, which accounted for around 25 percent of the population in the country, gave its support the Liberation Tigers (LTTE) and armed struggle because they were discriminated against and oppressed by the majority in the country, who are Sinhalese. Sri Lankan Civil War has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives through about 25 years. The Norwegian peace effort began not with Erik Solheim. Arne Fjørtoft, aid worker and former head of parity Left, acted as door-openers to the LTTE already in the 90s, and then have the then State Secretary Jan Egeland, Secretary Knut Vollebaek and Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik involved, it emerges in the book.
Answer the festering question
book goes chronologically through the events from around the 90s and until the war ended in May 2009 and after the games afterwards. The book is clearly a historical document that describes, clarifies and provides a wide and reliable picture of what happened. I was editor at Call Works has followed developments in Sri Lanka, and often have important information pending as allegations, rumors or unconfirmed reports. Several of these we get the answer in the book.
Used government troops phosphorus (biological weapons) against the LTTE, which also civilians were hit? Yes, indicate the sources of the author. Bombed government makeshift hospital on purpose? Yes, it is confirmed in the book. Forcibly recruited LTTE young boys and girls to fight in the final stage? Yes, according to sources interviewed. Did LTTE accept money from former President Mahinda Rajapaksa during his campaign before he became president? Yes, according to sources.
One of the biggest revelations set of Tamil eyes about Selva Rasa Pathmanathan, known as KP. Solheim confirms that Norwegian facilitators met him without the LTTE leader Veluppillai Pirabakaran knew about it. The aim was to put pressure on Pirabakaran through KP to get LTTE leader to lay down weapons. At this time played KP a key role as a weapons smuggler and supplier and was in the top leadership of the LTTE. How Norwegians managed to establish contact with KP, says Solheim little about, and little about why they thought KP could convince Pirapakaran. That contact existed between KP and Norwegians without LTTE leader knew about the new information. Today KP a free man and runs an orphanage north of Sri Lanka. He is one of the few men from the top leadership of the LTTE who are alive.
Several factors towards peace process the book of Mark Salter is an important historical document, writes majoran vivekananthan. Photo: Illustration
the most interesting part of the book is about how to peace process that cut herself. On the LTTE side and the government side were the divisions. LTTE commander for the eastern prov ice Batticloa, Muralitharan Muttiah, known as “Karuna”, broke with the LTTE and the government side was the controversy between the President and the Prime Minister become so bitter that the president at a critical time declared martial law and took over the prime minister’s department and tasks. Later elections were held, and the new government and a new president was peace process gradually sink.
Oslo Declaration
In the book there is no doubt that the new government and the new president was unwilling to enter into peace negotiations with the LTTE. LTTE was at this point militarily weak because they had lost a lot of control in the east, and had few choices. There were signs up to the government, which had strengthened significantly throughout the period of peace including with heavy military armament with help from China, in addition to infiltrate LTTE. The government wanted a military solution because the chance of winning militarily was great.
But before that, when there were good times of peace, the events surrounding the so-called Oslo Declaration which I believe plays an important role. This was a time when there was a military balance between the parties, and both parties were genuinely interested in finding a solution. And this is where a lot goes wrong, as I interpret the text.
The most important part of the Statement is this: “The parties have agreed to explore a solution based on principles of internal self-determination in the historic areas to Tamils based on a federal structure within a unified Sri Lanka. “
Quote from Solheim:” the government pushed and pushed to get the LTTE to commit themselves for a final solution. I met Milinda at a fish restaurant, and the fish soup he wrote a draft that would help drive the peace process forward forward. “
Balasingham (LTTE chief negotiator) should not have been present, but should have accepted utka seal having made two changes. Solheim says Balasingam not discussed with the LTTE leader, but must have assumed that Balasingam would get the manager on going on a federal solution. “Outside of the influence it had with LTTE leader, was declaration a great success, “said Solheim in the book.
This is where Solheim and his helpers make big mistakes. Solheim has dubbed namely note as “declaration”. The Government is extremely pleased to tell the Sri Lankan majority that the LTTE has waived requirement of a separate state. Meanwhile, the Tamil elite wary, for it to renounce sovereignty could be political suicide, the history has shown. Another thing is that whatever solution the authorities went requires a 2/3 majority in parliament, and any referendum. Aspects around there is very little focus on the book. “To get a 2/3 majority by a single party was almost impossible,” wrote journalist Taraki about the situation at the time. But Sinhala majority considered Tamils it unlikely that MPs would vote for greater self-determination that could satisfy Tamils. The peace process was seen as pro forma, and that a pause in which the government could rearm and strengthen its position, then breaking the LTTE from all sides. Tamils turned to the EU ban on the LTTE as an example, the EU ban was the result of strong lobbying from the government center under the peace process.
Norwegians error
Solheim admits a number of errors. Among other things, that the president was not good enough included in the peace process. But there are many weaknesses in the Norwegian peace mediation Solheim not admit. Oslo Declaration is one of them. One important “solution” to the conflict should be entrenched, well discussed and been brought out to the people with methods and tools that are effective and useful to convince the people and lessen resistance. Oslo Declaration was not adequately grounded with the LTTE, it emerges in the book. And it was thrown out to the people without adequate preparation, so it was misused by extremists on both sides.
LTTE was willing to investigate solutions within a unified Sri Lanka, according Balasingam, but where the line should go, should they discussed properly in advance, not at a restaurant with one of the parties supervising onsite. But it is not necessarily the managers’ fault. The LTTE was also unclear on what they could accept within a unified Sri Lanka at that time. It was only with the proposal for Interim Self Governing Authority Governing Authority (ISGA document) this is clarified, one year after the Oslo Declaration. And when was the political landscape changed so much and the choice was just around gjørnet so that the peace process stagnated.
The first lesson peace negotiators should take is that peace negotiations should not take too long . The political landscape is constantly changing and it is important to exploit the opportunities that present themselves once it is willingness to negotiate. In the whole went Solheim solution involves giving the Tamils autonomy, but the question was how much the government was willing to give and how much the LTTE was willing to accept. For me it is strange that Solheim did not discuss the various solutions behind the scenes ahead. Because that was not to come up with a new solution, but to get the parties to accept the reality. The question is whether Norway should have been a peacemaker and not just peace facilitator.
One thing that Solheim says he received instruction is to bring the people responsible to participate in negotiations. Always leader. Had LTTE leader himself and the president has been connected before the Oslo Declaration, had the people responsible even been brought to justice.
Source
the book is unique in its kind, the author has interviewed a variety of sources both in Norway, Sri Lanka and in the Diaspora. He has used newspaper articles, reports, books, reports as a basis, as well as personal interviews with the main players, the exception is people in LTTE management who are dead. Although the source material is enormous, it Solheim own contact network that is basically. This, in addition to the number of sources that include Tamil are few, creates a distorted source basis. And in several places there Solheim own interpretation of what the LTTE stood for as a basis, and not what they actually meant and stood for. There is a major weakness of the book.
Bright future
The question is whether Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe as now become prime minister again, have learned their lesson. For now, Sri Lanka has a president who plays along with Wickremesinghe and there are bright times are ahead, we believe the commentators Sri Lanka. According to some Tamil media have the leader of the largest political party for Tamils Tamil National Alliance (TNA) entered into a more or less formal agreement with Wickremesinghe ahead of elections for a solution for the Tamils.
If we look at developments in the country and the strategic moves to Wickremesinghe, it appears that he slowly but surely pave the way to bring about a constitutional amendment that will ensure the Tamils greater autonomy than they have today. Authorities crackdown down on extremism from both sides, and reactionary, non-democratic elements are removed or been deprived of power and influence. And if Wickremesinghe get a constitutional amendment that gives more autonomy to Tamils before his term is over, remains to be seen. About the changes lead to lasting peace in Sri Lanka, also remains to be seen. Time passes, already seven years have passed since the war ended.
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